Mayawati biography templates

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(Written along with Sanjeev Singh)

The big elephant statues stand forlorn in the afternoon heat. It’s the height of the election campaign but there isn’t a soul out to see them or the huge four-sided Brahma-like statue of Mayawati that stands as the centerpiece of BSP’s imposing but deserted Dalit Prerna Sthal on Lucknow’s Mall Avenue.

The predominantly Mayawati-focused imagery inside – as many as eight huge carvings depicting Behenji or her family – was one of the marquee creations of her last stint as chief minister (2007-2012). This time, though, Mayawati has responded to barbs that she only made “haathis” in power by announcing that she won’t make “any more statues” because “that work is finished”.

It is a message she keeps repeating in rally after rally. Behenji seems to have learnt the lessons from her 2012 rout and 2014 Lok Sabha polls, when BSP could only manage 9 leads in UP’s 403 assembly segments.

BSP has always operated differently: which is also why it is often underestimated. Unlike Lucknow’s other party offices bustling with poll activity, BSP’s state party office is as deserted as the Dalit Smarak. Appearances can often be deceptive and so it is with BSP.

It was the first party in UP to get off the blocks, appointing vidhan sabha prabharis just after its 2014 Lok Sabha poll debacle. By mid-2016, BSP finished its first round of bhaichara sammelans to reach out to upper castes. Mayawati’s fortunes looked on the downswing for a while after a string of high-profile defections to BJP. But that didn’t deter her from launching her first set of public rallies as early as August 2016 and finishing her candidate lists first, with minimal bickering.

These tactically astute moves must be seen alongside a fundamental rejigging of what Mayawati is offering as part of what we can call BSP 3.0. The party’s first phase under Kanshiram and his anti-upper caste rhetoric through the 1980s and 1990s constituted BSP 1.0. Mayawati’s Brahmin-Dalit alliance o

If she wanted to etch her presence on the template of history, that is all Mayawati will have got at the end. Here’s how we’ll remember her

In the small mandi town of Bilaspur in western Uttar Pradesh (UP), a small nondescript statue of Ambedkar was attacked by an angry mob of students some years ago. They were protesting the fact that those among them who had failed their exams were being kept from proceeding to the next class. (A reasonable demand in a system in which the buying and selling of diplomas flourishes.) The blue-suited statue, pink-faced with black-rimmed glasses, had withstood many such protests. But in the ensuing clash, someone knocked off Ambedkar’s nose. Within hours, a Dalit rage engulfed the small town, leaving many injured and a few dead. In an effort to quell the anger, the city administration quickly fixed the nose and—to keep the statue from further disfiguration—surrounded it with a steel cage, a structure so tightly welded that Ambedkar could barely peer out at his devotees.

The political dimension of memorials was apparent in the postures these figures were made to strike in stone—typically of the hectoring-from-a-high-pedestal kind. Of these, Mayawati in Lucknow took the prize for the most shrill and pushy form of public sculpture. Her loyal likeness appeared in virtually every public maidan, every respectable roundabout, and any place given to largescale public visibility. A larger-than-life Mayawati glared down the Bahujan Nayak Park. A bronze Mayawati stood at the Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Sthal, the Rs 500 crore memorial to Ambedkar. At road intersections, there may have been no policemen, but four Mayawatis stood tall in bronze or stone; passersby saw her front, back and sides, all at once.

“I always felt that memorials should be built during the lifetime of icons,” Mayawati once said without a hint of irony, “That is why I got the statue of my m